Firaq Gorakhpuri : The Poet of the totality of Love

by Sham Dass Khanna

Dr. Gopi Chand Narang writes, “Firaq Gorakhpuri was a giant of poetry. To many, Firaq was one of the greatest poets of Urdu ranking next only to Mir Taqi Mir, Ghalib and Iqbal. He left a deep impress on Urdu poetry and inspired many generations of Urdu poets both in India and Pakistan. His poetry is marked by a lyrical quality and depth of feeling unparalleled in Urdu poetry.”

He prided in representing the Aryan mind in Urdu and made his Ghazal reflect Indianness. His verse echoed the finest shades of Indian culture, ancient, medieval and modern.”

Firaq defined poetry as a heightened awareness of the world and he showed this heightened awareness in his Ghazals and Nazams for nearly half a century. About his Ghazals, critic Niaz says, “He takes the top position among his contemporaries, the grace and texture of his verse are so pure and pleasing that we can rate it as the ultimate in intellectual delectation.”

Firaq was conscious of his primacy. Some days before his death, an interviewer asked "what he thought of the statement that many considered him the greatest Urdu poet after Ghalib.” His reply was, “How can I say anything different from what others say about me?”

A bitter critic of Hindi, which he considered utterly incapable of being anybody’s language, Firaq was a great admirer of Ramayana and Mahabharata. He never accepted Tulsidas, Surdas or Kabir as Hindi poets. As for Hindi poets like Maithili Sharan Gupta, Suryakant Tripathi Nirala and Sumitranandan Pant, he said their language was crude and an ugliness made vocal.

Firaq was the trendsetter in impressionistic criticism. He rediscovered some of the classical Urdu poets through his articles in his analytical book ANDAZE which he considered as the first example of impressionistic AESTNETICAL criticism in Urdu literature. In his poetry, he was influenced by English poets like Wordsworth, Keats, Shelley and Byron as also by the “Shringar Rasa” of Sanskrit poetry. He inspired a whole generation of new poets in Urdu language. He was a romantist but his poetry also gave expression to the humanism of India as reflected in the various shades of the country’s culture. At the same time, Firaq considered English, the language he taught at the Allahabad University, the only medium which could bring the Indians in touch with the world.

The third son in the family, Firaq received conventional education like his brothers, sisters and cousins, but as he himself put it once, the legends, facts, songs and scenes affected him so intensely “that they often became unbearable with their power of joy or sorrow.” As a child, he was shy and wanted to “remain as unnoticed as a broom.”

In 1913, Raghupati Sahai Firaq came to Allahabad for college education. By this time, he was married. However, this marriage was a disaster, and he expressed his bitterness about it in a poem Hind (the cradle), which he wrote in 1960.

He graduated from the Allahabad University in 1918. Two years later, he was selected for the Indian Civil Services, from which he resigned to join Mahatma Gandhi in the freedom struggle. He did his M.A. in English from the Agra University in 1920 and became a lecturer in the Allahabad University. While teaching English, he started writing poetry in Urdu. Firaq’s forte was “Rubai”. He wrote with equal ease the Ghazal and the Nazam, which have been published in an anthology of 90 pieces in Gul-e-Nagma. The anthology brought him Jnanpith Award in 1969.

Firaq’s Ghazal shows that he first digested the tradition he inherited, and only then introduced the new dimensions of physical love. His poetry is not bound by the temporal but marked by the universal.

Here are some couplets of Firaq:
Orhni Uski Hawaein Hai Ke Taron Bhari Raat,
Kisi Ghunghat Hi Ko Sarkao Ke Kuchh Raat Katae.
(She is draped in the breezes or the star filled sky! Gently remove the veil, so that the night passes by.)

Kis Liye Kam Nahin Hai Dard Firaq
Ab To Who Dhyan Se Utar Bhi Gaye.

Tujhe To Haath Lagaya Hai Barha Lekin
Tire Khayal Ko Chhute Hue Main Darta Hun
(I have fondled you so many times, but I fear even to care the thought of you.)

Tum Mukhatib Bhi Ho Qarib Bhi Ho
Tum Ko Dekhun Ke Tum Ko Pyar Karun
(You are attentive, and you are close. Shall I look at you or speak to you?)
And now specimen of his quatains:-

Doshiza Ka Faza Mein Lahlahaya Hua Roop
Aaina-e-Subh Mein Jhalakta Hua Roop
Yeh Naram Nikhar, Yeh Sigil Dhaj Yeh Sugandh
Ras Mein Hai Kanwarepan Ka Duba Hua Roop.
(Against the immaculate air this understanding Beauty
In the mirror of the dawn, this shining beauty,
The soft glow, the elegant figure, the fragrtance
Steeped in the elixir of virginity, this Beauty.)

Hai Byahata Par Roop Abhi Kunwara Hai
Man Hai Par Ada Jo Bhi Hai Dishiza Hai
Who Mad Bhari, Mang Bhari, God Bhari
Kanya Hai Suhagan Hai Jagat Mata Hai.
(She is married, but her Beauty still is virgin
She is a mother, but all her charm is still untouched
She is joy-filled, her hair-part filled, her lap is filled
She is a daughter, a happy wife, mankind’s mother.)

In the words of Dr. Gopi Chand Narang, “Though this type of verse, both on the sematic and expression levels, Firaq introduced a new tenderness and new intimacy to Urdu lyric poetry. His sensuousness reminds one of Sanskrit literature. Obviously he has been influenced by Indian classical literature and the theory of Rasa, and one can make a stray of the parallels between the two. He seems to have the mind of modern man but the heart of an ancient Aryan, and he has separately said that he wanted to make his poetry the voice of the very soul of India. Under the impact of his verse, Urdu poetry gradually became more conscious of its Indian heritage. Firaq was a great advocate of Khari Boli Hindustani, which forms the common base for both Hindi and Urdu.” His compositions were a great source of inspiration and gave a new direction to urdu literature. He epitomized the highest form of patriotism, steadfastness and intellectual reliance.

Firaq belonged to a middle class Hindu Kayastha family. He joined Allahabad University as a lecturer in English Literature. He was never accorded Professorship so as not to burden him with chorus that would have detracted from his creativity. His lectures were more in the nature of conversations with his students, laced with his brilliant wit, ranging from Keats to Kalidas with dazzling virtuosity. This enormous range was part of Firaq’s repertoire till the very end.

Position and Powers of Vakil under Akbar

The position and powers of Vakil (Prime Minister} during Akbar’s reign was one of gradual decline. In the beginning of Akbar’s reign, the Vakil enjoyed unlimited authority—political, military, financial and administrative, but his office was gradually shorn of all these powers one by one. By the end of Akbar’s reign, the post of Vakil had become more or less honorific, and though he continued to enjoy the dignity and prestige, he had become the shadow of his former self.

Bairam Khan, who was responsible for the reconquest of India in 1555 AD, was the first Vakil of Akbar. As the emperor was a child of merely thirteen years old, Bairam Khan acted as his Ataliq (tutor). He was virtually the Grand Wazir, exercising all sovereign powers in the name of the emperor and controlling the affairs of the State. Ibn Hasan has aptly remarked, “The King was behind the veil and the rule was that of the Vakil.” He commanded the army, controlled the finances, and appointed as well as dismissed the high officials of the State at his will. The dismissal of Pir Mohammad, who in Abul Fazl’s words was not only Bairam Khan’s deputy, but was virtually the Vakil of the Sultanate, and the appointment of Shaikh Gadai of the Shia sect to the office of Sadr (head of ecclesiastical department) in preference to all Saiyyads, clearly illustrate the vast authority enjoyed by Bairam. Rivals like Tardi Beg were ruthlessly crushed by capital punishments and imprisonments, while the emperor was simply informed of what had been done. Further, he conferred Jagirs and ranks at his own discretion, but caused dissensions to Akbar as his servants were neglected by the Vakil. Moreover, he directly interfered in Akbar’s private affairs. As pointed out by Ibn Hasan, “There is no parallel in the history of Northern India of this position and power of the vazir. Though Bairam Khan’s services to the ruling family and the newly established kingdom of the Mu^^ cannot be ignored yet the events of his regime conclusively show that, after having got the strings of power into his hands, he failed to rise above the level of an ordinary administrator, and some of his actions were beyond doubt based on personal considerations, apart from political exigencies, or the needs of the state.” However, by his lack of tact and statesmanship, he failed to retain the confidence of the emperor and win the support of either the nobility or of the public, and was consequently removed from the office in 1560 AD.

After the fall of Bairam Khan, the office of Vakil began to decline and gradually lost all its unlimited powers. Akbar’s personal experience of Bairam Khan’s Vikalat was a sufficient warning against placing all powers in the hands of a single noble as Vakil-i-Sultanate.

Akbar distributed the functions, powers, distinctions and privileges, which had hitherto been the monopoly of the all-powerful Bairam Khan, among three bodies. Shahab-ud-Din Khan and Maham Ananga enjoyed political and financial powers, Shams-ud-Din Atka Khan was given Bairam Khan’s standard drum, and Munim Khan was appointed to the office of the Vakil.

The appointment of Munim Khan as the Vakil caused great frustration to Shams-ud-Din Atka Khan, who himself had been an aspirant for this office. His chief claim, as contended by him, lay in the services rendered in the overthrow of Bairam Khan. Ultimately his plea was accepted and the office of Vakil was conferred upon him in November 1561 AD.

Atka Khan’s appointment not only deprived Munim Khan of his office, but also Maham Ananga and her party of all power and influence. The reason stated is that he did not belong to the Maham party and like Munim Khan, exercised full power in the management of affairs, political and financial, and disposed of matters relating to the army and civil population. A conspiracy was formed and Atka Khan was murdered on May 16, 1562 AD. Akbar took prompt action and put Adham Khan to death. Maham Anga died shortly after.

Akbar, however, pardoned Munim Khan and restored him to the office of Vakil in June 1562, but the prestige attached to it was gone. Munim held the office till 1567 AD, but he never wielded full authority of the Vakil. Moreover, Akbar had by this time formed the policy of clipping the powers of the Vakil. Consequently within three months of his reinstatement, Munim was deprived of his financial powers, as a new office of the Diwan was created and the revenue and financial matters were separated from the office of the Vakil. Muzaffar Khan, the first full-fledged Diwan, was not only unrivalled in his knowledge of finance, but was also independent-minded and did not tolerate any interference in his department. At about the same time, Lashkar Khan was made in charge of the military department under the designation of Bakshi, which had the effect of depriving the Vakil of his military duties and responsibilities as well. Munim Khan’s negotiations with the Uzbeg rebels further undermined the prestige of the office and in June 1567 AD, he was transferred to Jaunpur to look after the affairs in the East. The transfer of Vakil from the political center ended his career as the Vakil of the Emperor.

The career of Munim, however, determined the position of the Vakil in the empire. He ceased to be the chief moving spirit of the State and the motive power of the administrative machinery. The office of the Diwan before long eclipsed that of the Vakil. However, his position as the first man in the State continued, and he held his highest rank, but his influence from this time on depended not on his office, but upon his personality, the conditions of the time and the atmosphere of the court. Ibn Hasan aptly remarked, “The power was gone, but the show of power and marks of outward distinction and prestige were retained.”

After Munim Khan’s transfer, the office was kept in abeyance for about six and a half years. However, the enormous increase in the size of the empire and the work of administration, in the meanwhile, necessitated a revival of the office and in 1573 AD, Muzaffar Khan was appointed as Vakil-i-Sultanate. He combined the offices of Vikalat and Diwan, but could not enjoy the honour for long. His refusal to accept and carry out the proposed reforms in the Jagirdari system led to his dismissal from office in the same year.

However, two years later, owing to his meritorious services, he was re-appointed as Vakil, but now his control over finances was only nominal. The Diwans, Raja Todar Mal and Shah Mansur, were merely to act in consultation with him. Thus he was the head of ministry, but other ministers were his colleagues and not his subordinates. Moreover, Akbar was by this time a complete master of all branches of administration and nothing important could be undertaken by the Vakil without his full concurrence and approval. It appears that once again he failed to come up to the expectations of the emperor and his transfer, like that of Munim, ended his career as the Vakil of the empire.

Muzaffar was the last of Akbar’s Vakil, who exercised some influence over the administration and wielded some significant power, but his position was purely personal and the respect which Akbar showed to him was due to his capacity, loyalty and efficient services and not to his office.

After this, Akbar raised Abdur Rahim Khan-i-Khanan to the post of Vakil, but as pointed out by Ibn Hasan, “It was more a favour and a mark of distinction for his attachment to the King from his boyhood than the conferment of any real power.” Nevertheless, he remained in office for about five and a half years. On April 19, 1595 AD, Khan-i-Azam Mirza Aziz Koka, the emperor’s favorite companion, was elevated to the Vakil’s office, which he held for the rest of the reign. Though he wielded immense influence with the King, he does not appear to have exercised any influence in the administration or the affairs of the empire.

The functions of Akbar’s Vakil have been aptly summed up by Abul Fazl, “He is the emperor’s lieutenant in all matters concerned with the realism and in the household. He traces the Council by his wisdom and settles with penetration the great affairs of the realm. Promotion and degradation, appointment and dismissal depend upon his insight…. Although the financial offices are not under his immediate supervision, yet he receives returns from the hands of all financial offices and wisely abstracts of this return.”

In the final analysis, the Vikalat retained its dignity and prestige, but it was shorn of most of its powers. It remained the highest office of the empire and its holder was always the first man in the State, but he ceased to wield the power which was associated with its name. Regarding the ultimate position of the office of the Vakil, Ibn Hasan has very rightly observed that the practice of keeping the office of the Vakil vacant at times and carrying on the administration in the empire without the Vakil, further minimized its importance and it ceased to be a necessary part of the administrative machinery. In fact, the Vakils were the heads of the nobility and not of administration. They possessed rank, honour and prestige, but not any significant powers.