Firaq Gorakhpuri : The Poet of the totality of Love

by Sham Dass Khanna

Dr. Gopi Chand Narang writes, “Firaq Gorakhpuri was a giant of poetry. To many, Firaq was one of the greatest poets of Urdu ranking next only to Mir Taqi Mir, Ghalib and Iqbal. He left a deep impress on Urdu poetry and inspired many generations of Urdu poets both in India and Pakistan. His poetry is marked by a lyrical quality and depth of feeling unparalleled in Urdu poetry.”

He prided in representing the Aryan mind in Urdu and made his Ghazal reflect Indianness. His verse echoed the finest shades of Indian culture, ancient, medieval and modern.”

Firaq defined poetry as a heightened awareness of the world and he showed this heightened awareness in his Ghazals and Nazams for nearly half a century. About his Ghazals, critic Niaz says, “He takes the top position among his contemporaries, the grace and texture of his verse are so pure and pleasing that we can rate it as the ultimate in intellectual delectation.”

Firaq was conscious of his primacy. Some days before his death, an interviewer asked "what he thought of the statement that many considered him the greatest Urdu poet after Ghalib.” His reply was, “How can I say anything different from what others say about me?”

A bitter critic of Hindi, which he considered utterly incapable of being anybody’s language, Firaq was a great admirer of Ramayana and Mahabharata. He never accepted Tulsidas, Surdas or Kabir as Hindi poets. As for Hindi poets like Maithili Sharan Gupta, Suryakant Tripathi Nirala and Sumitranandan Pant, he said their language was crude and an ugliness made vocal.

Firaq was the trendsetter in impressionistic criticism. He rediscovered some of the classical Urdu poets through his articles in his analytical book ANDAZE which he considered as the first example of impressionistic AESTNETICAL criticism in Urdu literature. In his poetry, he was influenced by English poets like Wordsworth, Keats, Shelley and Byron as also by the “Shringar Rasa” of Sanskrit poetry. He inspired a whole generation of new poets in Urdu language. He was a romantist but his poetry also gave expression to the humanism of India as reflected in the various shades of the country’s culture. At the same time, Firaq considered English, the language he taught at the Allahabad University, the only medium which could bring the Indians in touch with the world.

The third son in the family, Firaq received conventional education like his brothers, sisters and cousins, but as he himself put it once, the legends, facts, songs and scenes affected him so intensely “that they often became unbearable with their power of joy or sorrow.” As a child, he was shy and wanted to “remain as unnoticed as a broom.”

In 1913, Raghupati Sahai Firaq came to Allahabad for college education. By this time, he was married. However, this marriage was a disaster, and he expressed his bitterness about it in a poem Hind (the cradle), which he wrote in 1960.

He graduated from the Allahabad University in 1918. Two years later, he was selected for the Indian Civil Services, from which he resigned to join Mahatma Gandhi in the freedom struggle. He did his M.A. in English from the Agra University in 1920 and became a lecturer in the Allahabad University. While teaching English, he started writing poetry in Urdu. Firaq’s forte was “Rubai”. He wrote with equal ease the Ghazal and the Nazam, which have been published in an anthology of 90 pieces in Gul-e-Nagma. The anthology brought him Jnanpith Award in 1969.

Firaq’s Ghazal shows that he first digested the tradition he inherited, and only then introduced the new dimensions of physical love. His poetry is not bound by the temporal but marked by the universal.

Here are some couplets of Firaq:
Orhni Uski Hawaein Hai Ke Taron Bhari Raat,
Kisi Ghunghat Hi Ko Sarkao Ke Kuchh Raat Katae.
(She is draped in the breezes or the star filled sky! Gently remove the veil, so that the night passes by.)

Kis Liye Kam Nahin Hai Dard Firaq
Ab To Who Dhyan Se Utar Bhi Gaye.

Tujhe To Haath Lagaya Hai Barha Lekin
Tire Khayal Ko Chhute Hue Main Darta Hun
(I have fondled you so many times, but I fear even to care the thought of you.)

Tum Mukhatib Bhi Ho Qarib Bhi Ho
Tum Ko Dekhun Ke Tum Ko Pyar Karun
(You are attentive, and you are close. Shall I look at you or speak to you?)
And now specimen of his quatains:-

Doshiza Ka Faza Mein Lahlahaya Hua Roop
Aaina-e-Subh Mein Jhalakta Hua Roop
Yeh Naram Nikhar, Yeh Sigil Dhaj Yeh Sugandh
Ras Mein Hai Kanwarepan Ka Duba Hua Roop.
(Against the immaculate air this understanding Beauty
In the mirror of the dawn, this shining beauty,
The soft glow, the elegant figure, the fragrtance
Steeped in the elixir of virginity, this Beauty.)

Hai Byahata Par Roop Abhi Kunwara Hai
Man Hai Par Ada Jo Bhi Hai Dishiza Hai
Who Mad Bhari, Mang Bhari, God Bhari
Kanya Hai Suhagan Hai Jagat Mata Hai.
(She is married, but her Beauty still is virgin
She is a mother, but all her charm is still untouched
She is joy-filled, her hair-part filled, her lap is filled
She is a daughter, a happy wife, mankind’s mother.)

In the words of Dr. Gopi Chand Narang, “Though this type of verse, both on the sematic and expression levels, Firaq introduced a new tenderness and new intimacy to Urdu lyric poetry. His sensuousness reminds one of Sanskrit literature. Obviously he has been influenced by Indian classical literature and the theory of Rasa, and one can make a stray of the parallels between the two. He seems to have the mind of modern man but the heart of an ancient Aryan, and he has separately said that he wanted to make his poetry the voice of the very soul of India. Under the impact of his verse, Urdu poetry gradually became more conscious of its Indian heritage. Firaq was a great advocate of Khari Boli Hindustani, which forms the common base for both Hindi and Urdu.” His compositions were a great source of inspiration and gave a new direction to urdu literature. He epitomized the highest form of patriotism, steadfastness and intellectual reliance.

Firaq belonged to a middle class Hindu Kayastha family. He joined Allahabad University as a lecturer in English Literature. He was never accorded Professorship so as not to burden him with chorus that would have detracted from his creativity. His lectures were more in the nature of conversations with his students, laced with his brilliant wit, ranging from Keats to Kalidas with dazzling virtuosity. This enormous range was part of Firaq’s repertoire till the very end.

Position and Powers of Vakil under Akbar

The position and powers of Vakil (Prime Minister} during Akbar’s reign was one of gradual decline. In the beginning of Akbar’s reign, the Vakil enjoyed unlimited authority—political, military, financial and administrative, but his office was gradually shorn of all these powers one by one. By the end of Akbar’s reign, the post of Vakil had become more or less honorific, and though he continued to enjoy the dignity and prestige, he had become the shadow of his former self.

Bairam Khan, who was responsible for the reconquest of India in 1555 AD, was the first Vakil of Akbar. As the emperor was a child of merely thirteen years old, Bairam Khan acted as his Ataliq (tutor). He was virtually the Grand Wazir, exercising all sovereign powers in the name of the emperor and controlling the affairs of the State. Ibn Hasan has aptly remarked, “The King was behind the veil and the rule was that of the Vakil.” He commanded the army, controlled the finances, and appointed as well as dismissed the high officials of the State at his will. The dismissal of Pir Mohammad, who in Abul Fazl’s words was not only Bairam Khan’s deputy, but was virtually the Vakil of the Sultanate, and the appointment of Shaikh Gadai of the Shia sect to the office of Sadr (head of ecclesiastical department) in preference to all Saiyyads, clearly illustrate the vast authority enjoyed by Bairam. Rivals like Tardi Beg were ruthlessly crushed by capital punishments and imprisonments, while the emperor was simply informed of what had been done. Further, he conferred Jagirs and ranks at his own discretion, but caused dissensions to Akbar as his servants were neglected by the Vakil. Moreover, he directly interfered in Akbar’s private affairs. As pointed out by Ibn Hasan, “There is no parallel in the history of Northern India of this position and power of the vazir. Though Bairam Khan’s services to the ruling family and the newly established kingdom of the Mu^^ cannot be ignored yet the events of his regime conclusively show that, after having got the strings of power into his hands, he failed to rise above the level of an ordinary administrator, and some of his actions were beyond doubt based on personal considerations, apart from political exigencies, or the needs of the state.” However, by his lack of tact and statesmanship, he failed to retain the confidence of the emperor and win the support of either the nobility or of the public, and was consequently removed from the office in 1560 AD.

After the fall of Bairam Khan, the office of Vakil began to decline and gradually lost all its unlimited powers. Akbar’s personal experience of Bairam Khan’s Vikalat was a sufficient warning against placing all powers in the hands of a single noble as Vakil-i-Sultanate.

Akbar distributed the functions, powers, distinctions and privileges, which had hitherto been the monopoly of the all-powerful Bairam Khan, among three bodies. Shahab-ud-Din Khan and Maham Ananga enjoyed political and financial powers, Shams-ud-Din Atka Khan was given Bairam Khan’s standard drum, and Munim Khan was appointed to the office of the Vakil.

The appointment of Munim Khan as the Vakil caused great frustration to Shams-ud-Din Atka Khan, who himself had been an aspirant for this office. His chief claim, as contended by him, lay in the services rendered in the overthrow of Bairam Khan. Ultimately his plea was accepted and the office of Vakil was conferred upon him in November 1561 AD.

Atka Khan’s appointment not only deprived Munim Khan of his office, but also Maham Ananga and her party of all power and influence. The reason stated is that he did not belong to the Maham party and like Munim Khan, exercised full power in the management of affairs, political and financial, and disposed of matters relating to the army and civil population. A conspiracy was formed and Atka Khan was murdered on May 16, 1562 AD. Akbar took prompt action and put Adham Khan to death. Maham Anga died shortly after.

Akbar, however, pardoned Munim Khan and restored him to the office of Vakil in June 1562, but the prestige attached to it was gone. Munim held the office till 1567 AD, but he never wielded full authority of the Vakil. Moreover, Akbar had by this time formed the policy of clipping the powers of the Vakil. Consequently within three months of his reinstatement, Munim was deprived of his financial powers, as a new office of the Diwan was created and the revenue and financial matters were separated from the office of the Vakil. Muzaffar Khan, the first full-fledged Diwan, was not only unrivalled in his knowledge of finance, but was also independent-minded and did not tolerate any interference in his department. At about the same time, Lashkar Khan was made in charge of the military department under the designation of Bakshi, which had the effect of depriving the Vakil of his military duties and responsibilities as well. Munim Khan’s negotiations with the Uzbeg rebels further undermined the prestige of the office and in June 1567 AD, he was transferred to Jaunpur to look after the affairs in the East. The transfer of Vakil from the political center ended his career as the Vakil of the Emperor.

The career of Munim, however, determined the position of the Vakil in the empire. He ceased to be the chief moving spirit of the State and the motive power of the administrative machinery. The office of the Diwan before long eclipsed that of the Vakil. However, his position as the first man in the State continued, and he held his highest rank, but his influence from this time on depended not on his office, but upon his personality, the conditions of the time and the atmosphere of the court. Ibn Hasan aptly remarked, “The power was gone, but the show of power and marks of outward distinction and prestige were retained.”

After Munim Khan’s transfer, the office was kept in abeyance for about six and a half years. However, the enormous increase in the size of the empire and the work of administration, in the meanwhile, necessitated a revival of the office and in 1573 AD, Muzaffar Khan was appointed as Vakil-i-Sultanate. He combined the offices of Vikalat and Diwan, but could not enjoy the honour for long. His refusal to accept and carry out the proposed reforms in the Jagirdari system led to his dismissal from office in the same year.

However, two years later, owing to his meritorious services, he was re-appointed as Vakil, but now his control over finances was only nominal. The Diwans, Raja Todar Mal and Shah Mansur, were merely to act in consultation with him. Thus he was the head of ministry, but other ministers were his colleagues and not his subordinates. Moreover, Akbar was by this time a complete master of all branches of administration and nothing important could be undertaken by the Vakil without his full concurrence and approval. It appears that once again he failed to come up to the expectations of the emperor and his transfer, like that of Munim, ended his career as the Vakil of the empire.

Muzaffar was the last of Akbar’s Vakil, who exercised some influence over the administration and wielded some significant power, but his position was purely personal and the respect which Akbar showed to him was due to his capacity, loyalty and efficient services and not to his office.

After this, Akbar raised Abdur Rahim Khan-i-Khanan to the post of Vakil, but as pointed out by Ibn Hasan, “It was more a favour and a mark of distinction for his attachment to the King from his boyhood than the conferment of any real power.” Nevertheless, he remained in office for about five and a half years. On April 19, 1595 AD, Khan-i-Azam Mirza Aziz Koka, the emperor’s favorite companion, was elevated to the Vakil’s office, which he held for the rest of the reign. Though he wielded immense influence with the King, he does not appear to have exercised any influence in the administration or the affairs of the empire.

The functions of Akbar’s Vakil have been aptly summed up by Abul Fazl, “He is the emperor’s lieutenant in all matters concerned with the realism and in the household. He traces the Council by his wisdom and settles with penetration the great affairs of the realm. Promotion and degradation, appointment and dismissal depend upon his insight…. Although the financial offices are not under his immediate supervision, yet he receives returns from the hands of all financial offices and wisely abstracts of this return.”

In the final analysis, the Vikalat retained its dignity and prestige, but it was shorn of most of its powers. It remained the highest office of the empire and its holder was always the first man in the State, but he ceased to wield the power which was associated with its name. Regarding the ultimate position of the office of the Vakil, Ibn Hasan has very rightly observed that the practice of keeping the office of the Vakil vacant at times and carrying on the administration in the empire without the Vakil, further minimized its importance and it ceased to be a necessary part of the administrative machinery. In fact, the Vakils were the heads of the nobility and not of administration. They possessed rank, honour and prestige, but not any significant powers.

 

Relations of Guru Gobind Singh with the Punjab Hill Chiefs

The story of Guru Gobind’s relations with the Rajput chiefs of the Punjab Hill States constitute one of the most significant chapters in the history of Punjab in particular and the history of India in general. It was the nature of these relations that gave the peculiar mould to the history of the period. Had the hill chiefs chosen to co-operate with Guru Gobind Singh in a common cause against the fanatic government of the Mughals, instead of opposing him, the history of not only Punjab but also of the Northern India would have been much different from what it actually turned out to her.

After the martyrdom of Guru Teg Bahadur in 1675 A.D., his nine year old son, Gobind Rai, then at Makhowal, ascended to the Guruship with a determination not only to avenge the brutal murder of his father but also to liberate the country from the oppressive and tyrannical yoke of the Mughals. As such, soon after his accession to the gurugaddi, he started the programme of military preparations. He not only revived the programme of his grand-father, Guru Hargobind, but gave it a further impetus on a much larger scale.

He gave a call to the Sikhs in all the directions to come and join the ranks in his army and thus organized a strong army and strengthened his resources. The Guru had even started beating of a big drum called ‘Ranjit Nagara’ at Makhowal which in those days was considered as a symbol of sovereignty. The Guru made an appeal to the hill chiefs for a joint front against the Mughals, but in vain.

The warlike preparations of the Guru and the ever growing strength of his army coupled with the beating of drum, created a sense of alarm in the mind of Bhim Chand, the ruler of Bilaspur, who observed not only an infringement of his authority by these activities of the Guru, but also a danger to his own existence. It was all the more so because Bhim Chand was a vassal of the Mughal emperor and could not allow an abode enemy of the Mughal government to openly make war-like preparations against the paramount power, except at the risk of inviting a Mughal invasion to his own territory which was so closely situated to the Mughal territory in the plains.

As such, Bhim Chand became eager to oust the Guru from his territory as early as possible on one pretext or the other. He was also annoyed with the Guru who refused to part with a trained elephant and a costly carpet presented to the Guru by his devotees from Assam and which Bhim Chand wanted ostensibly for the marriage of his son, but in reality keeping them with him permanently. Thus relations between Guru Gobind and Bhim Chand were further estranged and an armed conflict was not a remote possibility between the two. However the crisis was averted for the time being because of the Guru’s mother and well-wishers, who advised him moderation and patience. Moreover, he also got an invitation from Medini Prakash, the ruler of Nahan, who had a boundary dispute with Fateh Shah, the neighbouring hill chief of Srinagar. The Guru’s services were required by the Nahan chief to act as a mediator. Most possibly, he also wanted to impress upon the neighbouring ruler the fact that the Guru with his newly raised army was his friend.

Guru Gobind decided to retire further to the hills. He had his own reasons behind it:

-          Firstly, in view of his tender age and meager resources, he needed a sense of security and time to make elaborate preparations for fighting against the mighty and resourceful Mughals, by remaining at an arm’s length, so that to avoid an immediate attack from them. The interior of the hills, situated distantly from the Mughal territories, was an apt place for such retirement.

-          Secondly, the Guru hoped that by doing so, he would persuade the hill chiefs, by cultivating intimate relations with them, for making a common cause against the Mughals.

-          Thirdly, the rugged and uneven territory of the hills with its steep valleys along with high and low peaks, was the most suitable topographical area for the type of military training which he aimed at imparting to the soldiers.

-          Finally, Guru Gobind also aimed at carrying further the work of propagation of the mission of Guru Nanak, which condemned casteism, idolatry and false conventionalism—a mission which had hitherto been, somewhat, remained abeyance in the hilly region ever since the days of Nanak’s travels in the North.

  With these objectives, Guru Gobind retired from Makhowal to the State of Nahan, where Medini Prakash allotted a beautiful spot to him, on the banks of river Kalindri (Yamuna), now called Paonta Sahib.

Here at Paonta, Guru Gobind indulged in the activities which brought him into clash with other hill chiefs. The activities of military preparations of Guru Gobind caused a feeling of fear in the minds of the hill chiefs. It was felt that he wanted to establish an independent State in the midst of them. So, it was natural that they could not tolerate the increase of any external influence in their territories. Moreover, Guru Gobind represented a faith with liberal ideas, and much against the contemporary Hindu social order, which was based on orthodoxy. It was not liked upon by the orthodox Hindu chiefs of the Punjab hills. Moreover, most of the followers of Guru Gobind were Jats, who were looked down and hated by the Rajput chiefs and considered as an ‘inferior race’. Thus, as Dr. I. B. Banerjee observes, “political privilege, social exclusiveness and tribal pride—all combined to induce the Hill chiefs to present a united front against the Guru.”

Under these circumstances, the allied troops of the hill chiefs under Bhim Chand attacked the Guru at Bhangani in 1686 A.D. (1688 A.D. by some other scholars), between Yamuna and its tributary, Giri. A very fierce battle ensued. Both the sides fought with great courage and bravery. But ultimately, the hill men were put to flight and the Guru achieved a complete victory.

After Bhangani, a new chapter opened in the relations of the Guru with the hill chiefs. The latter became friendly to the Guru rather than opposing him. Bhim Chand again invited the Guru to make his headquarters at Makhowal. Here the town of Anandpur was founded and the forts of Anandgarh, Lohgarh, Keshgarh and Fatehgarh were constructed.

The immediate outcome of these friendly relations between Guru Gobind and the hill chiefs was that the latter stopped paying their annual tribute to the Mughal Emperor. Consequently, an army was sent under Alif Khan to realize the tribute. He succeeded in subduing the chiefs of the Kangra tract. When he approached Bhim Chand, he refused to pay it and gave a call to the Guru and all the allied chiefs to participate in the attack on Alif Khan, who was then at Nadaun. Guru Gobind gave a practical demonstration of his friendship. Alif Khan was defeated and put to flight.

These relations were further estranged when the chiefs at the instance of Bhim Chand reconciliated with the Mughal government without giving any intimation to Guru Gobind. However, the Mughals were resisted by the Rajput rulers of Guler and Jaswan. Guru Gobind also supported them in their struggle of repeated Mughal expeditions. The Guru also felt that he must depend on his own resources rather than the hill chiefs, who were no more reliable.

In 1699 A.D., Guru Gobind Singh created the Khalsa Panth—religious in foundation and military in discipline. The immediate result of the Khalsa was that its military character terrified the hill chiefs and its creation came upon them like a bomb-shell. They felt that as long as the Guru is present amidst them, he was a standing menace to their princely order. Also, the increasing followers of the Guru had created many problems regarding the essential supplies in the hills. Bhim Chand could not tolerate it and sent a messenger asking for the evacuation of Anandpur or to pay rent for it. However, Guru Gobind Singh refused to accept any of these terms and once again the relations of mutual warfare started between the Guru and a confederacy of the hill chiefs.

The allied troops of the hill chiefs besieged Anandpur and a battle was fought in 1701 A.D., which lasted for many days. At last, when the hill chiefs found no chance of victory, they made peace with the Guru, and assured him of their friendship if he left Anandpur for some time. As Guru Gobind Singh did not want to waste his energy and resources against the hill chiefs, he decided to retire to Nirmoh, near Kiratpur.

At Nirmoh, there were skirmishes here and there, and in one of these Sahib Chand was killed, resulting to a battle, which ended in Khalsa victory. Finding it impossible to crush the Sikh power, Bhim Chand sought help from the Mughals, and made a joint attack on the Sikhs with the support of the Governors of Lahore and Sirhind. Here also, the army of the Guru got a remarkable victory.

At the request of the ruler of Basoli, the Guru shifted his headquarters to his territory. Bhim Chand’s army was again put to flight. The Sikhs also defeated many a times the villagers who had often skirmishes with the Sikhs. The result was that Bhim Chand was very much frightened with these repeated successes of the Sikhs, and made peace with the Guru. He even invited the Guru to stay at Anandpur and some time passed in peace.

Soon, the hill chiefs became jealous at the increasing power of the Guru and formed a confederacy against him, ordering him to leave Anandpur. On his refusal, they got assistance from Lahore and Sirhind, and declared war against the Guru. Even the Gujjars and the Banghars were brought in to join the battle against the Sikhs. Initially the Sikhs were successful, but ultimately, their position became very critical when the siege of Anandpur was laid. Finally, the Guru had to leave Anandpur with his Sikhs and the family. Although the Hindu chiefs and the Mughals had assured the Guru ‘of safe conduct if he left Anandpur’, but when they got news of the evacuation, they violated their promises and set themselves in pursuing the Guru wherever he went.

Thus it is clear from the above study that the hill chiefs were never friendly towards the Guru. They were jealous of his rising power and regarded him as a danger to their existence, although the Guru had no such motives in his mind. He was never offensive against the hill chiefs, but had to resort to arms against them only to defend himself and his Sikhs. He had no political objectives, but to oust the tyranny from this soil. The hill chiefs established many a times the relations of friendship and cordiality with the Guru, but never stuck to it for long. However, Guru Gobind Singh performed as a true friend every time. He, in fact, did not want to come to open hostilities with the hill chiefs, but instead wanted to come to an understanding with them. His relations, however, failed him in this direction.

 

Allama Iqbal : The Poet and Philosopher

 (This article was written about 25 years back by my father, Sh. Sham Dass Khanna. He served as the News Editor in Daily Hind Samachar. In the field of journalism, he had the experience of almost 60 years. An M.A. in Urdu, he had keen interest in Urdu poetry and was himself also a poet in the language.)

Iqbal is probably the most quoted poet in world’s literary and intellectual circles. His admirers attach some sort of sanctity to his opinions and use his verses as arguments. Probably his most remarkable achievement was that he gave an abiding place to the teachings of Islam and patriotism in the hearts of the people. The language he used was one of rare beauty and charm. With its solid Islamic background, wealth of stirring phrases and telling epigrams, his verse can be memorized easily and recalled and reproduced effortlessly. Even moderately educated has a readily useable treasure of Iqbal’s wisdom on the tip of his tongue.

Allama Iqbal is the spokesman of reality. The limits of his poetry are unbounded and limitless. He used it as a source of his message, which he wanted to give to the nation. Iqbal was considerably influenced by Sir Syed Ahmed Khan’s thoughts. He sprang into prominence about the time of Sir Syed’s death. He studied the ups and downs of the culture of man very deeply. He dedicated Godly gift of his mind for only one work – spiritualism and patriotism. It was the only motive of his life. He lived for only this work. This work was to give message to the nation, which he gave in each and every way. He provided it with a philosophical and spiritual content and drove it deep into people’s consciousness.

To Allama Iqbal, we owe not only a poetry that stirs our soul and philosophy that serves us a clarion call for a dynamic life, but a message to his countrymen to fulfill their destiny as ordained for them in the Holy Qoran. For his exhortations, Allama Iqbal used the vehicle of poetry that he weaved with prophetic vision, religious, historical, psychological, social, cultural and political themes as if in a Kaleidoscope.

There are, indeed, countless facets of Iqbal’s message each replete with limitless truths, each capable of blazing a resplendent trail. But the quintessence of his message is best expressed in his own words in his lectures on “The Reconstruction of Religious Thought in Islam”. Iqbal says, “Humanity needs three things today – Spiritual interpretation of the universe, Spiritual emancipation of the individual and basic principles of a universal impart directing the evolution of human society on a spiritual basis.”

Sir Abdul Qadir said, “There are so many things which are alike between Ghalib and Iqbal. If I were a believer in the transmigration of soul, I would have remarked that Mirza Ghalib had great love for Persian and Urdu poetry. This love did not let his soul take rest in paradise and compelled it to transmigrate again in someone’s body to irrigate the garden of poetry and he was again born in Sialkot – a city of Punjab. He was named Iqbal.”

The couplets of Iqbal symbolize the true teachings of Holy Qoran. He says, “Know Thyself. Everything in this world belongs to you. Remove fear and intimidation from your hearts. Dive into seas. Fight with tides and strike with rocks, because life is not a bed of roses, but a battle field.”

Iqbal also made some very pertinent comments on the rising generation. “The youth,” he said, “had been largely captivated by western ideas and was impatient to put them into practice in their immediate environment, little realizing the incalculable damage that exotic ideologies had done in the land of their birth. In trying to evolve a nationhood of the western pattern, the countrymen would be wiping out of the brightest achievements of Islam. Iqbal led an unrelenting crusade against all forces of disruption from the beginning to the end. Apparently coming from an overused pen and a tired mind, his last Urdu work published in his lifetime, lashes out at all the major evils that would banish from the kind of society he was advocating. What he branded as forces of disintegration including colonialism, western education, indifference to religion etc. All of these are more or less closely inter-related political slavery, in Iqbal’s reckoning, is the main spring of all evils; it brings out the most sinister side of human nature warps and minds of the rulers and the ruled alike and dehumanizes vast segments of humanity. Western education changes our habit of thought and scale of valves, intellectual serfdom leads to indiscriminate adoption of alien wonts and usages. Immitation kills initiative and discourages independent thought and effort. Much of what he said constitutes the warp and woof of our thinking. His idealism is a force that goes deep into our mental and moral make up.

Iqbal is not a poet of insurrection but a poet of man’s awakening. With reference to Sir Abdul Qadir, it can be said, with confidence and without doubt that except elementary practice, he initiated writing in Urdu before beginning of the 20th century. In 1897-98, he was seen in poetical symposiums. He attended a meeting in which the renowned literary personalities participated. There, he recited his poem Himalaya that was published in the first issue of MAKHZAN, after some days. When Iqbal started composing couplets, Daag Dehlvi was in high esteems. By the efforts of Maulana Mohammad Hussain Azaad, the base of new poetry was prepared. The Hexameter (a verse which consists of six metrical feet) of Hali was becoming popular among the masses. Akbar Allahabadi, in his special way, was criticizing social and political problems. The speeches and writings of Sir Syed Ahmed Khan had done well in eradicating the darkness of minds and thoughts. Several religious movements had breathed their last. The light of the teachings of Raja Ram Mohan Roy and Shah Wali Allah was quite new. The struggle for independence of 1857 had not vanished from the minds. Fifteen to twenty years had elapsed in coming into existence of the Congress. A great revolution was created in political and social life with the efforts of Surinder Nath Bannerji, Dada Bhai Naoroji, Sir Feroz Shah Mehta and Badr-ud-Din Tyabji. The roaring of Gokhale had shaken the foundations of the palaces of the government. Such was the background of mind when our world was feeling the necessity of a new culture. This was the environment when the spokesman of reality opened his eyes; he as totally of light saw the wall of India – “Himalaya”. At that time, he by making the Ganges a witness spoke lonely:
                        Jal Raha Hun Kal Nahin Parti Mujhe
(I am burning and find no peace and tranquility in anyway.)
                        Sone Walon Ko Jaga De
                        She’r Ke Aijaaz Se
                        Khirmane Batin Jalaa De
                        Shaula-o-Awaaz Se
(O poet! Rouse the people from sleep with the miracle of poetry. Set ablaze the internal nest by the voice of flame.)

Lahore, the legendary city of united Punjab, blossomed at the turn of the century into a new centre of knowledge and culture. A galaxy of writers, litterateurs and educationists appeared on the literary scene. Among them were Mohammad Hussain Azaad, a first rank writer known for the first authentic history of Urdu poets, Aab-i-Hayat; Tirath Ram Ferozepuri, a noted translator; Lala Hans Raj, the saintly Principal of the local D.A.V. College, who dedicated his services to the Arya Samaj and the cause of education; and Principal Hakim Ali of Islamia College – an embodiment of simple living and high thinking. There were also Lala Lajpat Rai, the firebrand nationalist and Sir Abdul Qadir, a legal luminary, philanthropist, humanist, editor and many more. They slowly but silently brought about renaissance in thought and literature in the province. More or less, it was the time when Home Rule League was founded. In the struggle of independence of country, the Congress, in accordance with the demands of the circumstances, was changing its own strategy. The day had not come yet, when from the platform of the Congress, an open challenge should have been given to British Imperialism. Gokhale was about to demand the reduction and annihilation of new colonialism. Our angel Poet, Iqbal, warns us:
                        Yeh Khamoshi Kahan Tak
                        Lazzte Faryaad Paida Kar
                        Zamin Par Ho Too Aur Teri
                        Sa’daa Ho Aasmano Mein
(O man! How long will your silence continue? You should reveal your hardships and create such a situation that your voice should go from earth to sky.)
Again,
                        Utho Meri Duniya Ke
                        Garibon Ko Jaga Do
                        Kakhe Umra’a Ke
                        Daro Deewar Hila Do
                        Jis Khet Se Dekhan Ko
                        Muyassar Nahin Rozi
                        Us Khet Ke Har
                        Khosha-e-Gandam Ko Jala Do
(Rise and rouse the poor of my world. Strike and shake the palaces of the rich. A field that does not give bread to the farmer should be burnt completely.)

One of the great forums of literary and religious gatherings in Lahore was Anjuman-e-Himayat-Islam, which had the avowed object of promoting the cultural, educational and social interests of the Muslims. The Anjuman provided a ready platform to Iqbal to recite some of his famous poems, like Nalaa-e-Yateem (orphan cry), a pathetic verse lamenting the pitiable condition of the Muslims. “Shikwa” (the complaint) written soon after Italy had grabbed Tripoli from the Turks, voices the grievances of the Muslims against their God. Khizr-e-Rah (The Guide), a poem unmasking and dissecting the European civilization and statesmanship and Talu-e-Islam (The Rise of Islam), in which the poet glorifies the vision of the rebirth of Islam, of which Mustafa Kamaal Pash’a coup in Turkey, was in his opinion, the promise to flourish.

His verse invariably succeeded in generating the right atmosphere of emotional upsurge. “Hindustan Hamara” his short poem of nine stanzas pointedly refers to the citizens of the sub-continent as Indians and India as their motherland. It chides communalists by saying that “Religion does not teach bigotry.” (Mazhab nahin sikhata aapas mein bair rakhna) One critic hails it as the best patriotic poem written by any Indian in modern times. The last two stanzas of the poem require a special significance:
                    Yunan-o-Misr-o-Roma Sab Mit Gaye Jahan Se
                    Ab Tak Magar Hai Baki Naam-o-Nishan Hamara
                    Kuchh Baat Hai Ke Hasti Mit’ti Nahin Hamari
                    Sadiyon Raha Hai Dushman Daur-e-Zaman Hamara.
(The civilizations of Greece, Egypt and Rome are dead and gone but the glory of India shines still. There must be something and some reason why we have not been wiped out of existence, despite the fact that for centuries the horrible winds have been blowing against us.)
Iqbal summed up for all times to come his and the nation’s emotions in lines of ineffable beauty and splendour.

Iqbal, the poet of world celebrity, played an important role in the history of the Indian Muslims. Though he supported the Liberal movement, he asked the liberal Muslims to be on guard so that the broad human principle, which Islam stood for, was not thrown in the background by emphasis on the nation and the race.

Iqbal described the European civilization as inhuman, rapacious, predatory and decadent. He even quoted such writers as Nietzsche, Schopenhauer, Spengler and Karl Marx holding conflicting views to denounce in different aspects. He passionately attacked the European civilization in poems which are pearls of Persian and Urdu poetry. He was essentially a humanist and considered Islam as a religion of broadest humanism.

The Aligarh Movement, started under the leadership of Sir Syed Ahmed Khan, played a significant role in bringing about awakening among the Muslims, especially among its middle classes. Chirag Ali, Syed Mehdi, Mustafa Khan, Khuda Bakhsh, Hali, Nazir Ahmed and Mohammad Shibli were the outstanding leaders and exponents of the ideas of the movement. They exhorted the Muslims to imbibe the western culture to interpret Qoran in the rational terms and in accordance with the needs of the Muslims in the present period and to revise their social system on more or less modern and democratic lines.

Josh Malihabadi : A Great Revolutionary Poet

 (This article was written by my father, Sh. Sham Dass Khanna. He was the News Editor of the Urdu daily, Hind Samachar. He was himself a great poet of Urdu and was the literary follower of Josh Sahib.)

KAAM HAI MERA BAGHAWAT

NAAM HAI MERA SHABAB

MERA NA’ARA INQUILAB-O-

INQUILAB-O-INQUILAB

(My function is to revolt and my name is youth. My slogan is revolution and total revolution.)

This couplet vividly symbolizes the revolutionary spirit of great poet, Shabbir Husan Khan, whose nom de plume is Josh. He throughout his life preached revolution and worked for it. He raised a banner of revolt against society, social, political and economic set up of the country and more over his family. He selected his own way, adopted his own principles and gave a new message to humanity.

 Born on December 5, 1898 in Malihabad (Oudh) in Uttar Pradesh, Josh had his early education in Husainbad, Lucknow and Aligarh and obtained his senior Cambridge diploma from St. College, Agra. He joined ‘DARUL TARJUMA’ in 1925, where he came in contact with well known writers, poets and scholars of his time.

Later, he moved to Delhi, where he was appointed to head a Government of India publication, Aaj Kal, a monthly magazine. He migrated to Pakistan around 1956 and was appointed there as a literary advisor to the Urdu Development Board. A pupil of a well known poet Aziz Lakhnawi, the first collection of his prose and poetical composition, Rooh-e-Adab, was published in 1920. He had written some fifteen books, some of which are  Shola-o-Shabnam, Ravish-o-Rang, Junoon-o-Hikmat, Saif-o-Subu, Yaadon Ki Barat and Shair Ki Raatein.

Josh spent the last year of his stormy controversial life of struggle in virtual oblivion in the Pakistani capital. A third generation poet in his family, Josh regretted till his death his migration to Pakistan, which attracted the wrath of fanatic Mullahs and the suspicion of the Military regimes of Pakistan. Even as early as December 22, 1955 Josh realised his mistake and even shared it with one of his friends in India, Diwan Singh Maftoon, an Editor of Riyasat weekly, expressing his unhappiness and worries as to what would happen to his wife and family after his death. 

Tall, well built, handsome with flowing hair, Josh, a Pathan had fiery temper but at the same time he was equally sentimental, especially in religious affairs.

Pt. Jawahar Lal Nehru and Maulana Abul Kalam Azad fired his revolutionary zeal. While freedom struggle inspired him, youth and beauty bewitched him. A versatile poet of his era, Josh equally dominated in Nazm and Ghazal, but preferred the former as better vehicle for giving expression to his feelings of revolutionary thought, patriotism and anti-colonialism. Though a scion of the feudal aristocracy, he identified himself with the toiling masses and the working class and preached communal harmony.

His ‘MARSIA’ (elegy) on the death of Mahatma Gandhi is considered a master-piece in Urdu poetry. He was equally adept in prose writing of which ROOM-i-ADAB and YADON KI BARAT, a biographical account, are the best specimens. The latter became controversial though it was regarded as a trend setter in prose writing of those days.

Fond of good things of life, economic constraints took him to Bombay for a while, before he left for Pakistan in 1956. In Bombay, he wrote songs for films, some of which became hits, but literary critics accused him of “prostituting with his pen.”

Even in his age disregard for delicacy elegance colloquial usage of language courtesy and manners, Josh always regarded the Lucknow school as his bible. This is how he summed up this aspect of life :

TABIYAT  KHUSH  HUI  AE  HUMNASHIN

KAL  JOSH  SE  MIL  KAR

ABHI  AGLI  SHARAFAT  KE

NAMUNE  PAYE  JATE  HAIN.

Stung by allegations of being a traitor and an Indian agent, soon after raaching Pakistan, Josh gave a statement to a newspaper in Karachi declaring that he had decided to lead a solitary life so that nobody even know whether he was living or dead even if he had ever been a poet. He could not but mourn :

IN  BUZDILON  KE  HUSAN  PAR

SHAIDA  KIYA  HAI  KYON

NAMARD  KAUM  MEIN  MUJHE

PAIDA  KIYA  HAI  KYON

(Why have you made me enamoured of the beauty of these cowards. Oh! why have you given me birth in a race of impotents.) 

Fed up, he beseeched his friends in letters to pray to Allah to take away Josh from this world immediately. Yet he had once said

MUDATTON  ROYA  KARENGE

JAM-o-PAIMANA  MUJHEY

(For a long time to come, the goblet and the wine measure would bemoan my loss.)

One of the last of his genre, his contemporary and somewhat elder, Raghupati Sahai, well knkown as Firaq Gorakhpuri, has spoken highly of his poetry as well as the man himself. As for ability and contribution to literature, it was always too close to call. But at the mushairas (poetical symposia), Josh always recited his piece after Firaq, a sort of recognition of his seniority.

As Josh was from a family of the Taluqdars, this background left a lasting imprint on him. When P.C.Joshi, as Secretary General of  the Communist Party of India, was scouting for important Urdu poets to strengthen the cultural wing of the party, he cast his net as far as Josh, but inspite of his revolutionary ideas, he could never be cast in that role. He remained the feudal aristocrat till his death.  No doubt, he did compose highly rhetorical and powerful anti-colonial poetry during the freedom struggle, which earned him the title of Shair-i-Inquilab (Revolutionary Poet), a fact which brought him close to leaders like Mr. Nehru; but a factor that contributed towards sustaining this question may well have been a shared aristocratic demeanour.

Through his fiery poems against the British imperial rulers, Josh Malihabadi inspired the Indians in their fight for freedom and defence of the country.

Guru Hargobind’s Relations with Shah Jahan: An Era of Warfare

 Jahangir’s death in 1627 AD opened a new chapter in the career of Guru Hargobind. The death was an important event with which we enter into a new phase of relations of Guru Hargobind with the Mughal Emperor, Shah Jahan. The relations between them grew so worst that battles between them became evident. The estrangement between them was caused due to the following factors:

- Guru Hargobind’s New Policy was an important cause for this estrangement. When Shah Jahan became the emperor, the Guru had given due shape to his New Policy. The Akal Takhat had been constructed upto this time and the fortification of Amritsar had also been completed. The Guru had established his well-organized Sikh army and had even formed a contingent of the Pathan troops under Painda Khan. He had himself started wearing royal dress and adopted royal-symbols, besides being called the Saccha Padshah. In this way, he was forming an imperium-in-imperio. “Thus the Guru was becoming a potential source of danger to the established order,” states Dr. I. B. Banerjee, and it was possible for Shah Jahan to take action against him.

- The fanatic policy of Shah Jahan was another factor. The repair of old temples or the construction of new temples was not allowed to the Hindus. At Banaras and certain other places, the Hindu temples were demolished. While he was returning home from Kashmir, he got the news about the marriage of Hindu boys with Muslim girls at Rajouri, Bhimber and Gujarat. Shah Jahan not only declared such marriages illegal, but also forcibly seized the Muslim girls from their Hindu husbands.

- In the case of Punjab, three temples were destroyed and mosques were constructed over there. The Baoli of Lahore was filled with mud and dirt, and the Langar Bhawan was converted into the mosque. The Sikhs were stunned at it and stood against the fanatic rule.

- As Jahangir had in his early days of accession come under the influence of the Naqshabandis, he was responsible for the martyrdom of Guru Arjan. Since then, it is stated that he had come under the influence of Mian Mir and adopted the policy of Sulah-i-Kul. Soon the relations between Jahangir and Guru Hargobind became friendly. On the accession of Shah Jahan, the situation had changed. Masud, the son of Sheikh Ahmed Sirhindi, led the Naqshabandis and the number of fanatic Muslims increased under him. Shah Jahan was also highly influenced by him. As these people were full of hatred against the non-Muslims, especially against the Hindus and the Sikhs in Punjab, they poisoned the ears of Shah Jahan against the Sikhs.

- The Kaulan affair also strained the relations between the two. Kaulan was the daughter of the Qazi of Lahore. She was a religious minded girl and was a follower of Mian Mir. Being a staunch Sunni, the Qazi could not tolerate the religious sentiments of his daughter. Therefore, he started inflicting atrocities on her. Mian Mir sent her in the shelter of Guru Hargobind. When Shah Jahan came to know about it, he flared up against the Guru.

The above are some of the fundamental factors responsible for the warfare between the two. Though the writers differ on the number and places of the battles fought, the view of Macauliffe is the most acceptable, that Guru Hargobind fought the following three battles against the Mughals.

1.      Battle of Amritsar, (1628 A.D.): The battle of Amritsar “was the first combat between the Muhammedans and the Sikhs.” Shah Jahan was on a hunting trip in the forests near Amritsar. Guru Hargobind was also on a similar mission in the same forest. It so happened that the Mughals started pursuing a very beautiful hawk. After some time, Shah Jahan returned to Lahore leaving his men to accomplish the task. As fortune has it, the Sikhs also met with the same hawk and captured it for their Guru. However, the Mughals claimed their authority over the bird, because they were the first to pursue it. When the Mughals resisted, they were driven out with slaughter, and as Dr. I. B. Banerjee states, it “was too great an offence to be lightly passed over.”

The Mughals in the command of Mukhlis Khan made an attack against the Guru. The Mughals were 7,000 in number. Though all the records unanimously agree with the Sikh victory, the writer of Dabistan narrates, “At Ramdaspur, Hargobind sustained an attack of the army, which Shah Jahan, the Shadow of God, sent against him, and the Guru’s property was then plundered.” The statement of the author of Dabistan may indeed be true, but what happened was that the invaders had taken possession of the Guru’s palace. The sweets had been stored there in plenty, because the marriage date of the Guru’s daughter, Viro, had been fixed, which was in the near future. The Mughals ate plenty of sweets and could not help sleeping. Consequently they could not cope with the surprise attack of the Sikhs in the command of their Guru. The Sikhs came out victorious in the battle. The Mughals were killed in a great number, including their commander, Mukhlis Khan.

The battle of Amritsar is considered an important landmark in the Sikh history. Dr. A.C. Banerjee comments, “It marks the beginning of their armed resistance to the Mughal Empire, a process which reached its culmination in the early years of the eighteenth century.” The victory popularized the Guru among the non-Muslim masses, who were fed up by the fanatic rule. Sir Jadu Nath Sarkar has also believed that “many men came to enlist under the Guru’s banner. They said that no one else had power to contend with the Emperor.”

Although the Guru had won the battle, yet he retreated from Amritsar to Kartarpur and here thrashed a small contingent of the Subahdar of Jullundur, sent against him.

2.      Battle of Lahira, (1631 A.D.): Guru Hargobind was not interested to lead a life of warfare, but wanted to live in peace. He had been living a peaceful life for three years since his first encounter with the Mughals, and the process would have longed when suddenly an event occurred.

It is said that two Masands, Bakht Mal and Tara Chand, were bringing two horses of extreme beauty and fleetness for their revered Guru. On the way, the Mughal officials seized both these horses. Bidhi Chand, a notorious dacoit of his times, but now an ardent follower of Guru Hargobind, succeeded in recovering these horses from the royal stable at Lahore. This act of Bidhi Chand annoyed the emperor and he sent an expedition under Lala Beg and Qamar Beg against the Sikhs. The news alarmed the Guru and he thought it wise on his part “to seek shelter in some advantageous position and retired to the wastes of Bhatinda, south of Sutlej, where it might be useless or dangerous to follow him.” When the Mughal commanders got information of the reaction of the Guru, they foolishly ordered their troops to advance to the area where the Sikhs had settled. Here the Mughals attacked the Sikhs for the second time, but could not cope with the natural difficulties. Hence the Sikhs under Guru Hargobind defeated the Mughals very easily at Lahira. A good number of the Mughals were killed in the battle and the Sikh soldiers also were either badly injured or killed in great number.

The victory at Lahira made the Guru and the Sikhs feel themselves so powerful that without convincing any danger they returned in the plains. According to S. M. Latif, “Hargobind having twice beaten the Mughal army in the open field, now began to entertain some degree of confidence in his own power and in the prowess of his followers.”

3.      Battle of Kartarpur, (1634 A.D.): The Guru had settled down along with his Sikhs at Kartarpur and was leading a peaceful life. But Painda Khan, in the service of the Guru as a Pathan commander, made the battle inevitable for the third time. It so happened that Painda Khan, on being pressurized by his son-in-law, Asman Khan, stole the favorite hawk of Bhai Gurditta, a son of Guru Hargobind. The Sikhs recovered the hawk from Painda Khan’s house, but he denied that it was in his house. In order to punish him, the Guru drove him out.

Munshi Sohan Lal in his monumental work, Umdat-ut-Tawarikh, has narrated a different story. According to him, Painda Khan incurred the Guru’s displeasure by making over to his son-in-law the horse and Khillat the Guru had given him for his personal use.

Be whatsoever it may, Painda was ousted and in order to avenge his humiliation, he approached Shah Jahan and offered to destroy the Sikhs this time, if he was given sufficient troops. Hence the Guru was attacked at Kartarpur in April, 1634 A.D. A desperate battle was fought here. Macauliffe writes, “The Pathans were powerless against the brave Sikhs fighting for their religion and their Guru.” The Mughal army was repulsed with great slaughter, Painda Khan, Asman Khan and Chandu’s son being among the slain.

Sir Gokul Chand Narang observes, “Victorious as the Guru was, he did not think it safe to live any longer in the plains.” After his victory at Kartarpur, he had left this place and reached Phagwara, but as Macauliffe states and the Guru himself would have been convinced, the town of Phagwara was on the road to Lahore, and the Mughal government could very easily send reinforcements against him. Consequently, he retired to Kiratpur, where he spent the remaining years of his life in peace and working for his spiritual mission, being alienated at all to the acts of warfare.

 In his relations with Shah Jahan, Guru Hargobind introduced himself as a brave and an efficient military general. He had established his small army and under his command the Sikhs defeated the Mughals in three consecutive battles at Amritsar, Lahira and Kartarpur. These battles gave the Sikhs essential training of warfare. Though Guru Hargobind came out victorious in these battles, he did not occupy any territory, which makes it clear that his intentions were not political. According to Sir G. C. Narang, “Hargobind was the first of the Sikh Gurus to have entered upon a military career.” On the same hand, Dr. Indu Bhushan Banerjee observes, “The Guru’s military actions were mostly of a defensive nature, and in almost all cases, he did not lead expeditions, rather expeditions were led against him.”

New Policy of Guru Hargobind

The nomination of Hargobind to the Guruship is of immense importance in the Sikh history. His predecessors had been busy in performing religious and spiritual activities, but now he started guiding his disciples in military fields as well. Thus he brought about the transformation in Sikhism and made an effort to make his followers the ‘Saint Soldiers’. The policy he carried out is known as the New Policy.

                        I.  Circumstances leading to the adoption of New Policy

This New Policy was not adopted by Guru Hargobind due to any particular reason, but was the outcome of a variety of factors. Dr. Indu Bhushan Banerjee states, “Both externally and internally the situation was changing and the policy of Guru Hargobind had perforce to be adjusted to the new environment.”

Externally, the organizational development had made much progress in the Majha and Doaba tracts under Guru Arjan Dev. By the foundation of new towns of Taran Taran, Kartarpur and Hargobindpur, the jats in these regions adopted Sikhism. Moreover, it was the simplicity of the new religion that had influenced the Jats to it. These Jats had some extra-ordinary characteristic instincts among them. They were very brave, courageous and freedom-lovers. They could never tolerate any sort of injustice being done to them. They were also flesh-eaters and this was so far abandoned in the Sikh church. Other Sikhs asked Guru Hargobind to oust them from Sikhism as flesh eating was not permitted by the earlier Gurus. But as the Sikhs had themselves seen with the martyrdom of Guru Arjan Dev that it had become expedient for them to arm themselves in order to meet the existing danger to the Sikh church from the fanatic rule of the Mughals. These Jats could play an important role by taking arms in their hands. Therefore, Guru Hargobind permitted them eating flesh. Dr. W.H. McLeod writes, “The growth of military within the Panth must be traced primarily to the impact of Jat cultural patterns.”

Internally, it was quite important to cope with the tyrannical rule and the martyrdom of Guru Arjan. In fact, under the fifth Guru, the Sikh church had made much development during the reign of Akbar, who is believed to be a liberal-minded ruler. He never attempted to interfere in the organizational affairs of Sikhism. He had, however, offered his help in different ways to the Sikh Gurus. But after his death in 1605 AD, the period of religious tolerance in the country also came to an end. Its first example was the martyrdom of Guru Arjan at the orders of the new emperor, Jahangir. According to Dr. I.B. Banerjee, “The execution of Guru Arjan and Hargobind’s own imprisonment definitely showed that stern days were ahead and that the old policy of mere peaceful organization no longer sufficed.” Guru Arjan, before his death, had sent a message to his son and successor, Hargobind, “Let him sit fully armed on his throne and maintain an army to the best of his ability…. Let him hold Bhai Buddha in honour, and in all respects except the wearing of arms hereby enjoined, adopt the practices of the preceding Gurus.” It is felt that it was because of the parting message of Guru Arjan that Guru Hargobind decided to put in action the message of his father. But there is no denying the fact that it was the result of both the external as well as internal changing environment. Sir J.D. Cunningham observes, “The temper and the circumstances of Hargobind both prompted him to innovation.”

                                    II. Chief Characteristics of the New Policy

When Hargobind acceded to the throne, he decided to adopt a policy of transforming the peace-minded Sikhs into a race of militant warriors. He declared, “My Seli shall be a sword-belt, and I shall wear my turban with a royal aigrette.” By the time he became the Guru, he wore two swords—Miri and Piri. His Miri sword indicated his leadership for worldly matters, while the Piri sword was an indication of his guiding the Sikhs in spiritual affairs. His predecessors had led the Sikhs only in religious and spiritual affairs, but Guru Hargobind started guiding the Sikhs in the military field as well. He even crowned his turban with the Kalgi. He adopted all the symbols of royalty, and had even with him a band of 60 body-guards, which raised his royal prestige. The Sikh chronicler states that he sent for his arms and arrayed in martial style so that his splendor shone like sun.

Soon he informed the Sikhs about his New Policy. Accordingly, messages were sent to the Masands to collect mostly horses and arms from the Sikhs, and similarly the Sikhs were also directed. Immediately the message of the Guru was put in action, and in a short span of time, weapons and horses were collected in good number. It made very easy for him to organize an army.

Several warriors came to him for service and the Guru delightedly employed them. A number of Majha youth also enlisted his cause. Soon a body of 500 troops was established. Macauliffe states, “Several men out of employment and without a taste for manual labour flocked to the Guru’s standard,” and others also gathered “who were satisfied with two meals a day and a new uniform every half-year.” He had also organized an army of the Pathans, which according to Dr. A.C. Banerjee shows that “religious animosity against Mohammedans was not a factor in the arming of the Sikhs by Hargobind.” It is wrong to say that Guru Hargobind had taken in his service the rogues, dacoits and other convicts. There might be some who had entered his service in greed of loot and plunder. But mostly his army comprised of his devoted Sikhs.

The Guru also changed his daily routine and habits. He systematically turned his attention to chase and other war-like occupations. In the Harmandir, he gave religious directions to the Sikhs. He used to say that as long as he remained in the Harmandir, he should be reckoned ass a Saint, and in the Akal Bunga he should be looked upon as a King.

Guru Hargobind constructed a building near Harmandir and named it ‘Akal Takhat’ (Throne of the Almighty). It was here that the Guru guided his Sikhs on the political and military matters. He gave military education o his Sikhs, divided arms among them and made plans to fight the enemy out for the defense of their religion. Dr. Trilochan Singh observes, “The very erection of Akal Takhat was a challenge to all coercive authority of the Mughal Emperors.”

The Guru even fortified the city of Amritsar, feeling that the defense of the head-quarters was very necessary. A fort, named Lohgarh, was also constructed in the city of Amritsar.

                                                                III.   Assessment

When Guru Hargobind adopted the new policy, misunderstandings and many kinds of doubts came in the minds of many of the devoted Sikhs regarding the objectives of the Guru. Bhai Gurdas in a Pauri of Var 26 refers to the doubts in their minds, and says

                  “The truth within him cannot possibly be concealed

                              …………………………….....................

                  He supporteth a burden intolerable to others and asserteth not himself.”

It is said that some devoted followers of the Guru met him with Bhai Buddha, but the Guru satisfied them saying that he was taking every step for the goodness and welfare of his Sikhs.

There are certain writers who hold the opinion that the New Policy was justified under the existing circumstances. Dr. I. B. Banerjee comments that externally and internally the situation was changing. The Guru had felt that without adopting the arms it was not easy to defend the situation. Therefore, Dr. I. B. Banerjee observes, “The way in which the Guru met the situation speaks a good deal for his resourcefulness and shrewd practical sense.” Had he not followed this policy, the community would have either not survived or would have relapsed into the limited merit of utility of saints and faquirs.

It is wrong to observe, as some critics of the policy put it, that the lure of politics and the glamour of arms were leading him away from the true path of a religious and spiritual leader. It can’t be denied that like his predecessors, he efficiently guided his Sikhs in religious and spiritual matters. He used to impart some time daily in religious preaching. It is also a matter of fact that he spent the last ten years of his life in performing religious activities at Kiratpur. His military activities against the Mughals were truly in defense of the religion. He had no political ambitions behind such activities.

This policy was not entirely new. Guru Nanak had boldly criticized the tyrant rulers. He also criticized those who tolerate injustice. Guru Arjan had also started giving military training to his Sikhs. Thus this policy had already started during the period of Guru Arjan, but it was Guru Hargobind who gave it a practical shape. Dr. H.R. Gupta writes, “Hargobind carried the torch lit by Nanak; but he added to it the lustre of the sword.”

The New Policy brought a great change in the character of the Sikhs. The Sikhs were now transformed into Saint-Soldiers and gradually became a brave race of the warriors. The Jats, who had adopted Sikhism in a great number, got an opportunity to show the instincts of their bravery and courage. It was also a factor in his imprisonment for some time in the fort of Gwalior. But still the policy could not be ended. Instead, the Akal Takhat was constructed, Amritsar was fortified and an army was organized. He carried on his policy establishing friendly relations with Jahangir. However, with Shah Jahan as the new emperor, warfare became inevident and many battles were fought against the Mughals. Dr. E. Trumpp observes that the Mughal authorities “were either too short-sighted or indolent or too powerless to stop effectively the concourse of such a turbulent and dangerous crowd.” 

Janamsakhis as a Source for the study of Guru Nanak

The Janamsakhis are the major source related to the study of Guru Nanak. However, there are still some others which help us in getting the knowledge of the life and times of Guru Nanak. Some reliable sources can be mentioned as under.

                                                            I.   Vars of Bhai Gurdas

Bhai Gurdas was a nephew of the third Guru, Amar Das ji. He was a contemporary of the third, fourth, fifth and sixth Gurus. He was responsible for scripting the Adi Granth at the dictation of Guru Arjan Dev. He composed 39 Vars and 556 Kabits. Though his poetry was not included in the Adi Granth, Guru Arjan declared that the verses of Bhai Gurdas must be read first by a Sikh in order to understand fully the philosophy contained in the Holy Granth. The reader of these verses can gain spiritually and acquire the instructions regarding the teachings of the great Gurus. It is thus certain that the works of Bhai Gurdas existed even at the time of composition of the Adi Granth in 1604 AD and some of the Vars were written during the pontification of Guru Hargobind.

It is believed that Bhai Gurdas composed his Vaars about sixty years after the death of Guru Nanak, which give us a sketch of the life of Guru Nanak. The stanzas 23 to 45 of Var 1 and stanzas 13-14 of Var 11 provide us with a brief account of Guru Nanak. Mainly the religious aspect of Guru Nanak is dealt with in the Vars, while the Kabits contain merely ‘the Sikh tenets and a panegyric of the Gurus.’. Dr. Indu Bhushan Bannerjee writes that “it is important to note that they mark a definite  landmark in the evolution of Sikhism and should thus be regarded as extremely valuable.

                                                        II.   Janamsakhis

Janamsakhis are very important source to study the life of Guru Nanak Dev. There are many versions of the Janamsakhis.

1.      Puratan Janamsakhi or Janamsakhi by Sewa Das: The Janamsakhi by Bhai Sewa Das is probably the oldest of all the Janamsakhis. Two manuscripts of this Janamsakhi are available:

(a)    Colebrooke Manuscript: This manuscript was taken to London by Sir Thomas Colebrooke in 1815-16 A.D. and was donated to the Library of East India House. In 1872 AD, Dr. Ernest trump found it in India Office Library, London. The manuscript was published in 1877 AD. When the Sikhs of Punjab knew of it, they pleaded with Sir Charles Aitchison, the Lt. Governor of Punjab, that the Janamsakhis may be shown to them. The petition was accepted and the Government of India got its copy printed after photozincophing it. But in 1884 AD, the Singh Sabha of Lahore had lithographed its copy.

(b)   Hafizabad Manuscript: Bhai Gurmukh Singh of Lahore got this manuscript in Hafizabad and M.A. Macauliffe found some of its last pages missing, completed it by the Colebrooke manuscript. He has based his famous work, The Sikh Religion, on it.

Macauliffe is of the opinion that it was written in 1588 AD, half a century after the death of Guru Nanak. But most of the scholars are of the view that it was written in 1634-35 AD. It contains 57 sakhis and is considered to be the genuine source to study the life of Guru Nanak. Bhai Vir Singh published a sakhi based on it in 1926 AD.

When the accounts were written by Bhai Gurdas and Bhai Sewa Das, some of the disciples of Guru Nanak were still alive and “would have acted as a powerful check on the introduction of doubtful and exaggerated details.” Yet these cannot be concluded to be free from legendary myths and supernatural touches, even though scrappy. Bhai Gurdas has, however, avoided to give a complete life sketch of the Guru as its details could have been easily obtained at that time.

Whatever may be the nature of these accounts, we can’t omit its supernatural and mythical details, because by doing so, we will be having a bare skeleton which will be regarded as even the necessary minimum. Trumpp observes, “Compared with the later Janamsakhis, which enter into minute details in order to satisfy curiosity, and which have no sense but for the miraculous, however absurd, it is relatively sober.”

2.      Janamsakhi by Meharban Sodhi: Meherban was the son of Prithi Chand, elder brother of Guru Arjan Dev. Being related to the Guru family, he knew pretty well the traditions regarding Guru Nanak. This Sakhi was compiled probably during the Var 1 by Bhai Gurdas and the Janamsakhi of Sewa Das. The chief feature of this Janamsakhi is the account of Guru Nanak’s settlement in Kartarpur, which is not available in any other Janamsakhi.

Historically, this account is regarded very much valuable because

(a)    The names of persons and places mentioned in it are generally correct;

(b)    There are few miraculous stories in it; and

(c)    The dates given are quite accurate.

`                  3. Bhai Bala’s Janamsakhi : Bhai Bala’s Janamsakhi has been a controversial issue among the historians. According to the Sikh chronicles, Bhai Bala was one of the earliest accomplices of Guru Nanak. He is even stated to have accompanied Guru Nanak during his travels. The Sakhi is stated to have been written during the period of Guru Angad with Bala’s help, who dictated these to Paira Mokha. This Janamsakhi, as compared to other sakhis, contains a number of events in Nanak’s life.

                        However, today the authenticity of this Janamsakhi as well as its author is doubted. It is stated that when Bala came on a visit to Guru Nanak’s successor, Guru Angad, at Khadur, the new Guru sought his introduction as to whose disciple he was and also about his religious convictions. Bala informed that he was a disciple of Guru Nanak and had been very closely associated with Him since his early childhood. On hearing this, Guru Angad entrusted upon him the task to narrate the incidents of the Master’s life. Moreover, it is also said that one day Bhai Bala started making an enquiry to know about the successor of Guru Nanak.

                        Now how is it probable that two close associates of the same Guru are not familiar to each other, and Guru Angad had even sought Bala’s introduction. Also, Bhai Gurdas has mentioned the names of various eminent personalities associated with Guru Nanak, including Mardana, Bhai Budha, Daulat Khan Lodhi etc, but Bala’s reference does not come even once.

                        Again, it is believed that had Bala been a genuine person, he would not have mentioned the disparaging stories to show that Nanak was born again and again because of the result of the bad Karmas in his previous lives. According to the Sikh traditions, Nanak was sent by God to liberate mankind from sins and from the shackles of birth and rebirth.

                        Certain aspects are forwarded to prove that Bala’s Janamsakhi is spurious:

-          ‘Waheguru’ is the word used in this Sakhi. But it was used since the period of Guru Ramdas and not Guru Nanak.

-          Eminabad was the name given to the town during the period of Akbar and Guru Arjan Dev. During Guru Nanak’s period it was called Syedpur. However, Bala has used the name Eminabad for it.

-          A story in the Janamsakhi refers to Devlut Masand. However, it is a matter of fact that the Masand system was introduced by Guru Ramdas

-          The language in the Janamsakhi is also not of Guru Nanak’s age but much later than that.

Dr. W.H. McLeod believes, “The Bala version is, however, the least trustworthy of all the Janamsakhi traditions. Errors of fact occur with considerable frequency and the fabulous material which it incorporates far exceeds that of the other Janamsakhis, both in quantity and in degree.” Dr. Trilochan Singh, however, refutes this theory.

4.      Gyan Ratnavali: Bhai Mani Singh was initiated into the Khalsa by Guru Gobind Singh. His Gyan Ratnavali, also known as Mani Singh’s Janamsakhi, appears to be the expansion of Bha Gurdas’ Vaar 1 and includes the popular theories regarding Nanak in the age of Guru Gobind Singh.  

5.        Mahima Parkash : Mahima Parkash Vartik was written by Kirpal Singh in 1741 AD, while the Mahima Parkash Kavita was composed in 1776 AD by Sarup Das Bhalla. These accounts are the other important sources regarding the period of Guru Nanak. Basically, the two accounts appear the same, but Kirpal Singh’s Vartik is shorter. Sarup Das’ account of Guru Nanak is based on Puratan Janamsakhi. The later version is composed by imagination. He started writing at Varanasi and completed it at Amritsar. It is also known as Vairowal Wali Janamsakhi.

                                              III.             Nanak Prakash

It was composed by Bhai Santokh Singh in 1823 AD. Imagination was in full swings at this time. Taking the clue from Nanak’s visit to Ceylon, he narrates the meetings of Guru Nanak with Hanuman, Vibhishana, Prahlad, Dhruva and other bhaktas. To give it a touch of reality, he introduces long dialogues in this connection. Dr. I.B. Banerjee comments, “In fact, imagination once let loose, does not stop till it has effected a complete metamorphosis of the personality of Nanak and brought him into the line with the legendary figures of old.”

                                            IV.       Dabistan-e-Mujahib

The author of this work wrote under the pseudonym of Mohsin Fani. He was a contemporary of the fifth, sixth and seventh Sikh Gurus, and was a personal friend of Guru Hargobind. He has given a good account of the teachings of Guru Nanak. He seems to have deep regard and tolerance towards Sikhism. As Dr. I.B. Banerjee believes that his work is of special value as he is an independent witness. But he has also given a number of mythical stories, he heard from the Sikhs of his time.

These sources are not without their limitations. So far as the period of these sources is concerned, no account was written during the period of Guru Nanak. These sources were composed much after Nanak’s death. The Janamsakhis of Sewa Das, Meherban and Bala were written not before the first half of the 17^th century, while the versions of Mahima Prakash were written in the 18^th century. Moreover, these Sakhis were a mixture of legends, myths and supernatural elements. In fact, these were written by the devoted Sikhs for the faithful followers of Sikhism and not for the sake of historians.

Another drawback in these sources is that they are not arranged in chronological order. Therefore, it becomes difficult to arrange different aspects of the life of Guru Nanak in a chronological sequence.

Dr. W.H. McLeod writes, “The Janam Sakhis must be regarded as examples of hagiography and any inclination to treat them as biographies will distort both our understanding of Guru Nanak and our appreciation of the true value of Janam Sakhis themselves.”

Despite these shortcomings, we possess only Janamsakhis as a source of our knowledge for the life of Guru Nanak. Our chief aim is to find out how much material containing in these sakhis and other sources can be acceptable as historical, because as McLeod feels, “In spite of their manifest shortcomings, we are bound to rely on the Janamsakhis for almost all of our information concerning these events….”